What is freedom? How does it feel? The Bengali nation hoped to experience the long-desired taste of freedom for the first time after the partition of 1947. Based on Jinnah's two-nation theory, India and Pakistan were divided. Following the partition, a region called East Bengal came under Pakistan's control. It was renamed East Pakistan. However, the shadow of oppression never ceased to loom over the Bengali people. The residents of East Pakistan suffered discrimination and repression from the Pakistani rulers, which ultimately led to the Liberation War of 1971. After a bloody nine-month battle, we earned a piece of free land called Bangladesh.

But what does freedom truly taste like? For the Bengali people, this taste remained an elusive dream. The primary reason for this was our cultural divide. The intellectual writer Abul Mansur Ahmad identified this cultural division in our society as early as 1965. In his book "Bangladesher Kalchar" (The Culture of Bangladesh), he wrote, "We have gained an independent land but failed to create a national culture. In other words, we have not yet emerged as a political community. Even today, our society is divided into two or several broad communities instead of forming a united nation."

Instead of adopting the nationalism necessary for nation-building, policymakers imposed a borrowed form of Bengali nationalism upon us. This nationalism repeatedly divided us into various communities, and fascists exploited these divisions to oppress the people of this country.

After independence, rather than fostering a national culture, Sheikh Mujib relied on borrowed nationalism, using democracy as a pretext to impose fascism on the nation. However, it didn’t take long for the brave youngstars of that era to resist. Then, in 1975, the youth of that time overthrew the dictatorship. A brief moment of relief followed. Yet the joy of liberation from the claws of fascism was short-lived. Since independence, one fascist regime after another clung to the nation's map, tearing at the people's well-being. True freedom was never fully realized.

After winning the 2008 election, the Awami League began to exhibit fascist tendencies once again. By amending the constitution to abolish the caretaker government system, they tightened their grip on power, plunging the nation back into a brutal fascist regime. A long, dark era of dictatorship followed, lasting sixteen years. Thousands lost their lives, and countless more were disabled in their struggle to bring light to this darkness. After the bloody July, came the long-awaited August 5—a new dawn, and once again, the joy of freedom.

According to the human rights organization Odhikar, between 2009 and 2023, during the Awami League government's rule, 2,699 people died due to extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and custodial deaths. Including the student movements against inequality and the events of 2024, the number increased further. Essentially, the fascism implemented by the Awami League can be described as cultural fascism. The historical narrative crafted by the Awami League is baseless, colonial, and distorts the country’s true culture and history. Like British colonial rulers, they attempted to impose the culture of a specific group upon the entire nation. During Sheikh Mujib’s regime, everyone was instructed to live in Bangladesh as Bengalis, which marked the beginning of Bangladesh’s dictatorship. The Awami League declared itself the sole custodian of history, established a one-party rule, and, under the guise of heritage, fortified what became known as "digital Awami fascism."

The popular uprising of students and citizens has led the people of Bangladesh towards a new way of thinking. For many years, a narrow definition of nationalism was imposed by the fascist government, inciting religious division and setting different segments of society against each other. The hopeful aspect is that after the mass uprising on August 5, we are becoming true citizens of the country. The mask of nationalism that the fascist government forced upon us has been removed, and we are becoming true patriots. Each of us can now maintain communal harmony as Muslims or Hindus. Bengali nationalism is no longer the core issue. The artificial shell of nationalism that we failed to shed for so long is finally gone. Through the mass uprising, people realized that true patriotism means ensuring equal rights and opportunities for all. Now, people understand that being Muslim and being Bengali are not mutually exclusive. It is possible to uphold religious values as a Muslim while also respecting the country’s culture and heritage as a Bengali. After the mass uprising, people are increasingly moving towards communal harmony, uniting the people of Bangladesh and making them more courageous and altruistic.

After the July massacre, the general public’s fear began to dissipate. An ordinary girl, who failed her SSC exams, gathered the courage to ask, "Why did my brother die?" People stayed up all night, shouting and raising alarms to catch thieves. Then came the flood. This political flood following the uprising was one of the most devastating in Bangladesh’s history. But to combat this flood, people from all walks of life, regardless of religion, caste, or tribe, united, creating a remarkable example of communal harmony. Even small children donated their savings to help flood victims.

Perhaps these changes could have happened earlier, but we were not true citizens. We didn’t embrace Bangladesh; we thought that Bangladesh belonged to one family alone. However, through the July movement, by overthrowing the family that founded fascism, we transformed our sense of citizenship. Through these changes, a bright future for Bangladesh is emerging. The people of Bangladesh are no longer as fearful as they once were, and they can express their opinions freely. To establish ourselves as true citizens and permanently defeat fascism, we must change not only the political system but also the cultural foundation of society. By critiquing traditionalism and promoting democratic values, we can prevent the spread of fascism. Fascism is not just a political issue; it is a cultural problem. This is why the great philosopher Umberto Eco said of fascism, "The first feature of fascism is the worship of tradition. Traditionalism is older than fascism itself."